PacLII Home | Databases | WorldLII | Search | Feedback

Journal of South Pacific Law

You are here:  PacLII >> Databases >> Journal of South Pacific Law >> 2005 >> [2005] JSPL 17

Database Search | Name Search | Recent Articles | Noteup | LawCite | Download | Help

Alternative Dispute Resolution in Pacific Island Countries (Article) [2005] JSPL 17; (2005) 9(2) Journal of South Pacific Law

ALTERNATIVE DISPUTE RESOLUTION IN PACIFIC ISLAND COUNTRIES[1]


GRAHAM HASSALL[2]


“Dispute Resolution” takes place in each and every culture. Its modern forms are so expansive that Goldberg, Green and Sander refer to a “disputing universe” and suggest taxonomy of procedures based on the “primary processes” of negotiation, mediation, and adjudication. We understand from the “dispute resolution continuum” that practices range from those in which the parties retain full control of the process, to those in which the parties yield control to one or more third parties. In each jurisdiction the extent of formal participation in dispute process by state agencies varies in accordance with tradition, culture, and need. In the past several decades formal dispute mechanisms, including judicial, have become open to a range of additional practices.
Most Pacific societies are familiar with the ideas of “alternative dispute resolution” without necessarily being familiar with the term. As Vanuatu Chief Justice Lunabek informed a conference on conflict resolution held in Vila in 2000:


“ADR is not a new concept to Pacific Island jurisdictions and, in particular, to Vanuatu. It is, in fact, consistent with traditional methods of dispute resolution that predated the introduction of the formalised system of justice”[3]


Anthropological investigation has contributed considerable information on such elements of customary dispute resolution as scope, structure and process, duration, visibility, location, desired outcomes, reasoning, remedies, standing (to participate), and patterns of communication.[4] Traditional systems of customary law often incorporated a sliding scale for conflict resolution: different approaches were applied to conflicts inside the village and the kin-group, in distinction to conflicts with others: the former were solved through ceremonies (including sorcery), compensation and exchange; the latter, through endemic warfare.[5] For many groups, moreover, the exercise is one of conflict management rather than resolution:


...no victory was every complete, no defeat ever final.[6]


The resolution of conflict is described as being "deeply embedded in the culture" in many societies, so that its structures remained unobtrusive. Black, writing of the Tobi of Micronesia, reports:


On Tobi, disputes were generally acknowledged and managed in an extremely indirect fashion. The expression of overt conflict, or even its direct acknowledgement, was resisted because of the Tobian truism that to do so would bring on disaster by endangering the essential web of relationships of mutual support (particularly in the exchange of labour and food) which bound everyone to everyone else. Tobian techniques of conflict management, as might be expected in light of the foregoing, also tended to be very inexplicit and to operate in rather indirect and subtle ways.[7]


Among the Dou Donggo, similarly,


There is a strong feeling that disputes, conflicts, and misbehaviours are matters for the community to deal with internally. There is a strong disposition to avoid washing dirty linen in public, and a general reluctance to involve authorities from outside the community.[8]


Constraints on conflict in Papua New Guinea, particularly, include the use of reciprocity, a principle of major significance in Melanesia, both substantively (items) and symbolically (rituals). This includes gift exchanges between groups (e.g. pigs, bride-price, and now money and beer) as well as aggressive retaliation. Such reciprocity provides appropriately-scaled balancing mechanisms that do militate against excessive or cumulative imbalance and violence which could negate survival viability.[9]
Legal anthropological investigation has reported, also, on the effectiveness of court systems. Chalmers and Paliwala point out that the form of law and legal processes are much less rigid in many customary societies in comparison with Western law.[10] Rules of law are often stated in the form of argument. The forms of dispute settlement give much greater emphasis to what the parties wish - in particular the need to come to amicable settlement of disputes between people and groups.
It is also the case, on the other hand, that there are different levels of awareness of alternative dispute resolution procedures within jurisdiction across the Pacific region. An initial inquiry suggests that in some smaller jurisdictions, such as Nauru for instance, there is little or no awareness of ADR practices.[11] In Tonga there are no common mediation or arbitration practices or mechanisms, and only on rare occasions have arbitration provisions been included commercial contracts.[12]
There are, on the other hand, several Pacific jurisdictions - notably Fiji, Solomon Islands, Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu - in which ADR processes are known to the courts, and to other state agencies charged with upholding the rule of law. Labour officers throughout the region have statutory obligations to try to resolve disputes through mediation.[13] The Fiji Human Rights Commission has conducted conciliation sessions to address issues of discrimination.
Scholarship on dispute resolution in Pacific societies is still discussing the ways in which traditional forms of conflict resolution remain valid and effective in the present day. There has been a very active grass-roots mediation movement in Papua New Guinea and Bougainville.[14] It is interesting to note, however, the similarity in fundamental approaches to mediation presented in the work of, for example, the mediation and restorative justice training offered at Divine Word University in Madang, Papua New Guinea, and the work of Christopher Moore.[15] The program at Divine Word University, for instance, offers a nine-step mediation process:


  1. Talk to each person or group separately
  2. Allow each to set out their needs
  3. Brainstorm options for dealing with the conflict
  4. Select options for dealing with the conflict
  5. Assist the parties in their bargaining to modify the options to suit both parties
  6. Write down the agreed options and give time for discussion and further negotiation if necessary
  7. Write an agreement
  8. Set a time to reopen the matter if one party fails to carry out their agreement
  9. Reconciliation

This “mediation path” is very similar to that taught world-wide, and the cultural content of the mediation process is evidently woven into the manner in which the process is carried out. The “Talanoa” interactive dialogue process being advocated by Sitiveni Halapua, Director of the East West Centre’s Pacific Islands Development Program, seeks a less formalised and possibly more ‘intuitive’ approach. It has been used in Fiji, Tonga, and Hawaii to bring leaders together in an effort to solve political and public policy disputes. To date there has been no assessment, however, of the effectiveness of the approach in resolving the difficult issues facing the parties, at least in Fiji. In Tonga, on the other hand, Dr. Halapua’s facilitation is credited with resolving a dispute between public servants and the government that had lasted 44 days and thwarted the hopes of other mediation efforts.[16]
Mediation and ADR can be regarded as one facet of the larger projects ‘peace-building’ and ‘conflict reduction/prevention’, which are gaining attention at global and regional levels, with a follow-on effect for the Pacific Island countries. There are, for instance, the “Global Project for the Prevention of Armed Conflict” organised by the European Centre for Conflict Prevention (2003-2005), and a 2005 “Workshop on Peace-Building and Conflict Prevention in the Pacific Islands” organized jointly by the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat and the United Nations Department of Political Affairs (Nadi, 25-27 April 2005).
There are now numerous ‘conflict monitoring projects’ around the globe: International crisis group; Conciliation Resources, and others. Human Rights organizations, particularly Amnesty International, have contributed to alerting the international community of Pacific conflicts.[17] UNIFEM is developing “early warning” capacities, beginning with Solomon Islands.[18] Of the NGOs, perhaps Conciliation Resources is most familiar with Pacific conflicts. It has published a comprehensive study of the Bougainville conflict, and is a partner to the Citizens’ Constitutional Forum. The Pacific Concerns Resource Centre has recently undertaken a feasibility study for the establishment of a “Pacific Conflict Transformation Network.”[19]
In early 2005 the Peace and Conflict Studies program at USP surveyed the extent of current practices in ADR in Pacific states, in preparation for the convening of the 3rd Asia Pacific Mediation Forum in Fiji in 2006. The findings of this survey, covering ADR and mediation training; court annexed and non-court annexed mediation; and provision for the use of ADR in legislation, are provided in point-form below.


ADR/MEDIATION TRAINING


Pacific


University of the South Pacific